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In many recent democracies, candidates compete for office using illegal strategies to influence voters. In Hungary and Romania, local actors including mayors and bureaucrats offer access to social policy benefits to voters who offer to support their preferred candidates, and they threaten others with the loss of a range of policy and private benefits for voting the "wrong" way. These quid pro quo exchanges are often called clientelism. How can politicians and their accomplices get away with such illegal campaigning in otherwise democratic, competitive elections? When do they rely on the worst forms of clientelism that involve threatening voters and manipulating public benefits? 'Conditionality and Coercion: Electoral Clientelism in Eastern Europe' uses a mixed method approach to understand how illegal forms of campaigning, including vote buying and electoral coercion, persist in two democratic countries in the European Union. It argues that we must disaggregate clientelistic strategies based on whether they use public or private resources, and whether they involve positive promises or negative threats and coercion. We document that the type of clientelistic strategies that candidates and brokers use varies systematically across localities based on their underlying social coalitions. We also show that voters assess and sanction different forms of clientelism in different ways. Voters glean information about politicians' personal characteristics and their policy preferences from the clientelistic strategies these candidates deploy.

Elections --- Corrupt practices --- Hungary --- Romania --- Politics and government --- Electoral politics --- Franchise --- Polls --- Political science --- Politics, Practical --- Plebiscite --- Political campaigns --- Representative government and representation --- Since 1989 --- Heisei Period (Japan)

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In 2015, Nigeria's voters cast out the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP). Here, A. Carl LeVan traces the political vulnerability of Africa's largest party in the face of elite bargains that facilitated a democratic transition in 1999. These 'pacts' enabled electoral competition but ultimately undermined the party's coherence. LeVan also crucially examines the four critical barriers to Nigeria's democratic consolidation: the terrorism of Boko Haram in the northeast, threats of Igbo secession in the southeast, lingering ethnic resentments and rebellions in the Niger Delta, and farmer-pastoralist conflicts. While the PDP unsuccessfully stoked fears about the opposition's ability to stop Boko Haram's terrorism, the opposition built a winning electoral coalition on economic growth, anti-corruption, and electoral integrity. Drawing on extensive interviews with a number of politicians and generals and civilians and voters, he argues that electoral accountability is essential but insufficient for resolving the representational, distributional, and cultural components of these challenges.

Elections --- Democracy --- Electoral politics --- Franchise --- Polls --- Political science --- Politics, Practical --- Plebiscite --- Political campaigns --- Representative government and representation --- People's Democratic Party (Nigeria) --- PDP --- History. --- Nigeria --- Politics and government

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"Wählermanipulation, unerlaubte Wahlwerbung, gewalttätige Auseinandersetzungen und übersteigerte individuelle Selbstdarstellung waren Begleiterscheinungen der jährlichen Wahlen der römischen Republik. Die Zahl der Magistraturen war begrenzt -- zugleich aber statuskonstituierend: Die Wahlen wurden deshalb zu einem Feld erbittert geführter Auseinandersetzungen. Kandidaten, die sich gegen ihre Konkurrenten durchzusetzen versuchten, entwickelten immer neue Strategien im Wettkampf um politische Führungspositionen. Aus dieser Konkurrenzsituation resultierte im Laufe der römischen Republik ein ganzes Spektrum (un)erlaubter Wahl(be)werbungsmethoden (ambitus), das den Wettkampf um die politischen Führungspositionen weiter verschärfte. Wie reagierten aber der Senat und das Volk von Rom auf diese Entwicklung? Die Verabschiedung von Gesetzen war das naheliegende Mittel im Kampf gegen den ambitus. Waren die diversen leges aber auf Dauer erfolgreich? Und welchen längerfristigen Einfluss besaß ambitus auf eine face-to-face Gesellschaft wie der Roms?"--Page [4] of cover

Elections --- Political culture --- Corrupt practices --- Plancius, Gnaeus. --- Rome --- Politics and government --- History --- Electoral politics --- Franchise --- Polls --- Political science --- Politics, Practical --- Plebiscite --- Political campaigns --- Representative government and representation --- Corrupt practices&delete& --- Plancius, Cn. --- History.

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"This edited volume traces the rise of far right vigilante movements - some who have been involved in serious violence against minorities, migrants and other vulnerable groups in society, whereas other vigilantes are intimidating but avoid using violence. Written by an international team of contributors, the book features case studies from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, North America, and Asia. Each chapter is written to a common research template examining the national social and political context, the purpose of the vigilante group, how it is organised and operates, its communications and social media strategy and its relationship to mainstream social actors and institutions, and to similar groups in other countries. The final comparative chapter explores some of the broader research issues such as under which conditions such vigiliantism emerges, flourishes or fails, policing approaches, masculinity, the role of social media, responses from the state and civil society, and the evidence of transnational co-operation or inspiration. This is a groundbreaking volume which will be of particular interest to scholars with an interest in the extreme right, social movements, political violence, policing and criminology"--

Immigrants --- Minorities --- Vigilantes --- Vigilance committees --- Ethnic minorities --- Foreign population --- Minority groups --- Persons --- Assimilation (Sociology) --- Discrimination --- Ethnic relations --- Majorities --- Plebiscite --- Race relations --- Segregation --- Emigrants --- Foreign-born population --- Foreigners --- Migrants --- Aliens --- Violence against

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The EU faces a serious crisis of democratic legitimacy. Citizens believe that the EU is run by distant and non-responsive political elites. The EU's perceived lack of responsiveness to ordinary citizens poses a threat to its very survival. This timely book presents a comprehensive account of how EU governments signal responsiveness to the interests of their citizens over European policies. Schneider develops and tests a theoretical framework of the intergovernmental dimension of responsive governance in the European Union, using evidence amassed over nearly ten years of multi-method research. The findings show that European cooperation in the Council of the European Union takes place in the shadow of national elections. Governments signal responsiveness to their publics by taking positions that are in the interests of politically relevant voters at the national level, defending these positions throughout negotiations in the Council, and seeking appropriate policy outcomes at the EU level.

Elections --- Political participation --- European Union --- Political sociology --- Political systems --- Elections - European Union countries --- Political participation - European Union countries --- European Union. --- Political science --- Politics, Practical --- Plebiscite --- Political campaigns --- Representative government and representation --- Electoral politics --- Franchise --- Polls --- E.U.